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Today was my happy day, for my son from Sweden provide me with
Beekes' book 'Comparative Indo-European Linguistics. An
Introduction' from which, especially for Peter, who seem to be only
interested in this issue, I bring this part on laryngeals in Albanian
that, to my view, testifies how based was Hamp's view 40 years ago,
despite its rejection by Ölberg and Lindeman.
1. PIE CHC > CAC, -CC-
bëj/baj 'do, make' < *banyo: < *bhH2-nyo:(?), Gr. phaino:
'appear';
dha 'he gave' < *H1e-dH3-t, dhatë 'given' <*dH3-to (I think
that dha 'he gave' is from *dH3-t, till Albanian dhanë 'given'
is from *dH3-nto);
dhëndër 'son-in-law' if < g'omh-ter, Skt. ja:matar- (My view is
that Alb. dhëndër is derived from *g'enH-ter)
emër, see on 5. below.
2. PIE *RHC- > RaC-
lashë 'I let' < *lH1d-som, Goth. letan;
mas 'measure' < *mH1t-, Skt. ma:ti.
3. PIE HC- > C-
mjel 'to milk' < *H2melg'-, Gr. amelgo:;
njeri 'man' < *H2ner-
vej 'weave' < *H1wobh-nyo:, Myc. ewepesesomena/ewepse:somena/: OHG
weban (see development -bh-nyo:- as well as -bh-nya:- as -nj- and
-një-, different from *bh-no > më)
4.H1RC, H2RC, H3RC > eRC, aRC, aRC
ari 'bear' < *H2rtk'o-, Greek arktos
elb 'barley' < *albi < H2elbhi, Greek alphi
erdha 'I came' < *H1erg'H- (?), Gr. erkhomai
endem 'go, come' < *H1ndh-, Skt. adhvan-, Gr. enthei:n
ëndër/ândër 'dream' < *H3nrio (?), Gr. onerios
ndë 'in' <H1ndh-, Skt. adhi, Latin in.
The form ndë lost its initial vowel because it was unstressed, but the
development Hn- > Vn- is different from n.- > a- (though no example of
this is known).
5. H1RHC-, H3RHC- > eRC- (?), aRC?, aRC ?
emër/emën 'name' < *H1nH3men- (?), Gr. onoma. As the second
laryngeal became zero, we expect *enm-<H1nm- as in 4. above. This form
would agree with Gr. Enuma-, other forms semm to point to *H2nH3-.
6. PIE HV- > V-; ha, hi, hu from H2, H3 + e, i, u
jam, është 'I am, he/she is' < *H1esmi, *H1esti
jashtë 'outside' < *H1eghst-tos, Lat. ex
hidhur 'bitter' < *hidh-un-, Gr. aitho 'burn', hidhër
'stinging-nettle' (cf. Germ. Brennessel)
hut 'empty' < *h2uto-, Gr. autos, Goth. autheis
herdhe 'testicle' < *hardhi < *H3erg'hi-, Gr. orkhis
asht 'bone' < *Host(H)-. Lat. os
amë 'stench' < *H2odma:, Lat. odor.
9. CRHC > CRaC (CaRC?)
gjatë 'long' < *dlH1gh- (with -të); *dl > *gl > gj, see above
on k'' Skt. dirgha-
rrënjë/rrânjë 'root' < *wrH2d-n-ia:, Lat. ra:dix
rashë "I struck' < *wrH1g-som (?), Gr. re:gnu:mi
pare 'first' < *pr.Hwos, Skt. purwa-
mal 'mountain' < *ml.Hdho- (?), Sk. mu:rdhan-
vale 'wave' < *wlHna:, Lith. vilnis, Latv. Vilnis, OCS vl&na, Skt.
u:rmi-
10. PIE CRHV: no evidence
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